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Greece: ‘Insurrection Cannot Be Negotiated’ by Imprisoned Conspiracy of Cells of Fire FAI-IRF Member Panagiotis Argyrou

(Received 12/11/17)

Insurrection Cannot Be Negotiated

Time is the illness of reality. In prison, time seems to poison the atmosphere. The air thickens as though it is flooded with lead filings and each and every day our lungs are infested with this oxygen so toxic that it weighs on us again and again, more so with each passing day.

You feel so burdened that at some point you begin to think that every step you take, removes a day from your life; each step and a day less, each step and a day less…

During these almost 6 years and a half of my imprisonment, I always felt like I was killing so many days while moving endlessly back and forth in courtrooms. I have seen the despicable ritual of trials taking place in the name of Democracy too many times repeatedly and every single time I walked away with packs of decades of sentences on my back.

However, it is not only the harsh sentences imposed on me by all this bureaucratic barbarity which has been grinding lives in the millstone of justice that bothers me the most, but also the arrogant and self-righteous style of the judges that execute our freedom while maintaining the illusion of representing something special.

We now, therefore, are in the process of a new round of trials, where the judicial decisions of the proceedings at first instance are being reviewed on whether they were correct or not. Personally, I didn’t attend this process to beg for mitigating or commutation. I did it to confront the propaganda of authority, a propaganda that is trying to legitimize morally and politically our convictions. For sovereignty, it is quite important and wise not only to eliminate its enemies by holding them hostage for years but also to deconstruct their personalities so that their motives and their actions appear selfish, dark, dirty and anything other than actions that aim at the very core of sovereignty: power.

For Democracy, we are just some common law criminals. Although they call us terrorists, vote for special laws for our prosecution, create special troops in order to pursue us, although we are tried in special courts by special judges selected specifically for these occasions, although they keep us, occasionally, captives in special solitary confinement or make sure to impose on us every possible or improbable scenario of exemption to several acquired rights of the prisoners, they above all consider us common law criminals. At this point we are seeing the following exceptionally uncommon. Even though our actions theoretically fall under the common criminal offence, the entire political system feels the need to condemn it politically on a continuous basis with expressions of outrage. The same goes for a whole mob of journalists, academics of all kinds, figures of the left-progressive artistic stage and generally various high profile and acknowledged personalities of society.

All of them tend to affirm repeatedly how very detestable the culture of violence is and how “Democracy has no deadlocks”. There has never been such a fuss, of course, about any other common law offences and we will surely not see any surprises in the future.

Still, at these judicial proceedings, prosecutors often feel the need to add some political positions to their, usually, rambling discourses, apart from all the legal statements.

Frequently, in courtrooms of that kind we have heard prosecutors rushing to comment politically on what terrorism means, what political crime means and for which reasons, in Democracy, protesting must have limits.

More royal than the king, prosecutors present themselves with the Royal Purple clothing of Democracy preaching its moral, political and cultural superiority, only to conclude finally in the classical ancient well known verdict that there is no greater evil than anarchy.

They may not repeat, of course, the words that Sophocles put in Creon’s mouth in his famous work “Antigone”, but the meaning always remains the same. Prosecutors with their judgements, representing authority’s universe of values, do not content themselves with the adoption of the usual convictions but also seek to crush the practical opposition to Democracy’s authority and the violent contest of its laws and institutions. So these special courts officially refuse to admit that in reality we are prisoners of war, while at the same time are anxiously striving to defend Democracy’s “highest” values, as the latest bulwarks of system’s moral legality. And that, if anything, could only constitute even an indirect admission that these trials are in reality trials of values.

In the real world, the material world, perceivable through our senses, the ideas that are lacking of related actions are hollow, empty, deprived of substance and meaning. If today I am a hostage of authority tried again and again, either at first or second instance, it is because I have let the idea of anarchy find its way inside me and have chosen to live fighting in various ways against authority.

In love with the value of absolute freedom, believing strongly deep down that any kind of power – even if presented under different guises each time – is nothing but a noose around the neck of people that tightens and strangles their freedom, I have hated laws, rules and the morality of your world.

I disdained every authority, loathed any sense of discipline and loved the idea of rebellion as a continuous practical opposition to power. Being charmed by the beauty of absolute freedom as a value was not just a caprice of my adolescence, neither a juvenile paroxysm created by some easy adrenaline-based excitement and it certainly wasn’t a result of some random passage along the corridors of a library of anarchist writers.

At a time when social protest and any social struggles were considered at best old-fashioned, dated, a remnant of an old graphic era that had to be placed in an honorary mausoleum or an enhancement field for unionism advocates of the rights (both of workers and students) who brought any political clientele and a despicable cheap politicking together, the only social dynamic that stood up in combative terms was the world of anarchy and the wider anti-authoritarianism. I made the decision to become part of this dynamic, however the social conditions of this era have greatly shaped my general worldview as well.

In the mid-2000s, when I began to take part in the various events of the anarchist movement, the socially shaped reality radiated an absolute gloom. The political hegemony of the system had actually built two strong pillars on society:

I) On the one hand, the systematic corruption and bribery of the lowest social strata, applied as a central policy by the Social Democratic administration of power from 1980 onward, created a whole chaotic universe of “class-based inconsistent views”, which brought a radical restructuring of the social classes of that time.

That volatile social mobility developed, out of the blue, new categories of upstarts while the formerly detestable (even for the former political left) class of the petit bourgeois rose to inconceivable dimensions, as within fifteen years the civil servants, small and medium sized rentiers, property and agricultural land owners, entrepreneurs (the so-called “small bosses”) and self-employed increased by thousands.

The shortage of cheap labor (i.e. slaves that have nothing to lose but their chains) created by this informal social democratic social reform was later covered by the open border policy which has been conducted from 1990 onwards with huge migratory flows overwhelming the entire Greek territory. The holes that appeared in the productive sector were covered by the willing and cheap labour of thousands of immigrants, who built with their sweat and sometimes with their blood, under the most terrible exploitative conditions (mainly undeclared work), the small miracle of the Greek society, while at the same time the vast majority of society enjoyed blithely the days of abundance, frequently sharpening its racist instincts.

This strategy of the Greek social democracy was apparently aiming at the ceasing of the social rage that was breaking out till 1980 and the regular maintaining of the social contract without any radical agitations. Although these social democratic strategies were not new – on the contrary they have been extensively developed in the past, even by prominent figures of the communist pantheon such as Marx and Lenin (who talked about the capability of social democracy to corrupt broad parts of the working class, creating a “labour aristocracy” with indistinct borders in relation to the working class itself, which constitutes the social pillar of the bourgeoisie or the social basis of opportunism) – there was no substantial political bulwark against this advance of social corruption, since only some revolutionary urban guerrilla organizations stood against all this, and so did anarchy along with some parts of the younger generation who formed a lighthouse of insurrection and resistance to all this decay.

And besides, that is the reason why they received a relentless state repression.

Of course even though the Greek state was, from the very beginning of its establishment, nothing but a pathetic country of dependence tied with the noose of external indebtedness around its neck to the geopolitical interests of other powers or, even so, a state lacking of any advanced industrial development with no exploitation in other third countries, still the Greek social democracy managed to accomplish in absolute terms the formation of one of the most disgusting and cruel “labour aristocracies” that perhaps has ever existed.

On the one hand, they made use of the European subsidies and financial allocations and also of the unaccountability led by the financial sector while stepping on the backs and the bodies of “slaves-immigrants” on the other hand, the Greek “social opportunism basis” was expanded so much that the differences between class interests were brought into line.

It was under these circumstances that the common identity of the “modern Greek” was born in the social field.

The values of corruption, stinginess and absolute social cannibalism reigned, as wherever you looked around you could see the confirmation of the existential proverb of Kazantzakis: “man is beast (….) If you harm him, he respects you and trembles in fear of you. If you treat him nice, he will rip your eyes out.”

II) On the other hand, we now have the brutal imposition of the predominant ideology used as a cultural nutrition. The premiere of the private television channels began to write a whole new article in the history of the political life of this country, as various business groups behind every channel stood shoulder to shoulder with one group of authority or another each time. That of course was one part. The other part was that, at the same time, an unprecedented cultural brain washing slowly began to establish the dictatorship of mass culture. The western civilization and life style were extremely promoted as a one-way street, while simultaneously an incredible oversupply of multinational firms’ products filled the storefronts and shelves of abundance with a bunch of merchandise, both basic necessities and goods entirely constructed on a consumer cultural basis that soon became an ideology (I consume therefore I exist).

The effect of advertising on the common emotive and subconscious did not just bring an artificially increased money circulation, but it also reinforced decisively the imposing of aesthetic standards, stereotypical societal roles as well as a general perception of lifestyle, way of thinking and entertainment. And that was also reflected in the urban construction. Coffee bars, fast foods, shopping centres like Village, Mall etc. growing like mushrooms along with the unrestrained industry of night-time entertainment caused the urban transformation of many areas, which became overnight trading zones or zones of alternative, folk, upscale or trendy type of entertainment.

Of course, the modernization of public and semi-public transport during this whole process of urban regeneration was not innocent either.

Furthermore, the interactive effect of spectacle on the collective imaginary began to deform further and further the social majority’s conscience, through a disgusting civilization that produced lifestyle, a glamorous star system and various reality and talent shows.

So this monstrous way of thinking, that distorted every real value (solidarity, mutual assistance, etc.), came into being, while people’s perception regarding the form of social relations was dramatically altered.

Therefore, every relationship that could involve pure selflessness (such as friendship, love, companionship) was distorted, and as a result the most widespread perception of all kinds of relationships became that if they are not purely instrumental, they are no good.

This way of understanding things as well as life itself and people’s relationships became dominant in such an absolute way that even the appearance of a deviation from this norm (conscious or subconscious) collided on a powerful social racism and a multitude of social prejudices, expressed sometimes in the form of a collective devaluation, disdain, mockery, etc. others in the form of an open hostility, hatred and cannibalism of every personality that differs.

So, aware of the social gloom of my time, a gloom that shaped a widespread, collective identity of cannibalism, a collective cannibalistic “we”, hostile towards anything different, anything that doubts, questions, anything that revolts and attacks the existing, I realized that simply the choice of wanting to be an anarchist was nothing less but an antisocial choice as it rejects the dominant trend.

Therefore, I stood against a society, which I understood not as an undivided sum of people, like many that attack scarecrows of our positions would think, but as a breeding machine of all the prevailing ideologies, views, relationships, values. Against a society-laundry of democracy’s ruling tyranny, of its laws and institutions, against this relentless, collective “We” that crushes and butchers every diversity, in every possible way, I chose to defend an “I”, an insurgent “I”, an anarchist “I”, an “I” willing to stand up for values, even if this alone would be enough to turn everyone against it. An I that appreciates more the value of a beautiful forest than an endless concrete jungle where human ants are moving continuously living to work, working to consume, consuming to exist and existing to work. I know that when I refer to the twosome “we-I”, I surprise many and irritate their argumentativeness. Let them bear in mind that Fascism as well as Nazism, on their path towards dominion, attracted the collective We. On the other hand, the anarchist radical federalism has never regarded that We is above the I, but that there is an equal harmonious co-existence between them.

So, in my own mind very soon I reached the view that defending and fighting for a value, for an ideal, for a dream or just for whatever it is that you consider ethical and fair, cannot be a subject of negotiations that depends on how many you have on your side or how attractive this way of life is to the majority of society.

Defending the things that you consider highest of value may as well be a personal choice which doesn’t lose its worth at all, on the contrary it makes it so much more beautiful, even though harder.

You don’t need the social content or the popular support to openly stand up for the position that “the world is turning”, since the moral superiority of such an attitude to life is rated on moral terms and not on sloppy ones. From this point of view, defending freely that “the World is turning”, even when the entire society wants to see you burn at the stake, what else can it be than a choice against society, therefore antisocial?

So, what was of value to me, what I thought was worthwhile to defend and fight for was exactly the value of anarchy, the value of total freedom. I, too, have spent innumerable moments daydreaming about a free world, where completely free people conclude among themselves entirely free relationships, but when I woke up from this daydreaming and faced the social reality, I would leach into a cynical political realism about how nothing of all this is achievable without the entire destruction of society, the womb of all these conditions forming the dire straits that crush our existence.

Considering that I now live in a hostile environment where everyone around me is willing to turn themselves against people like me just because we are different, I have adopted this cynical political realism also as a view of things, and this very realism is what I, personally, call nihilism.

So, as an anarchist I adopted logics and methods of personal and collective insurrection by choosing to establish a relationship of rupture with the existing and its political structure and also with the society that reproduces it, since its legalization in society’s conscience is more than given.

I understood and experienced my affiliation and involvement to the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire as my embarkation to a pirate ship that had no intention of ending up in a secure and safe port, but planned to cross the unexplored and uncharted waters of wild freedom and anarchist attack by plundering the modern colonization of our lives, which I consider a beautiful and moving experience that I’ll never regret.

The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, at least in the way I experienced it, offered me the possibility to turn the desires for denial, attack and destruction into collective action, although at the same time it was something much more.

More important that the dozens of attacks on targets of the sovereignty and the system (which I will avoid mentioning once again) was the fact that I experienced the opportunity of coming together with other companionships in order to clash head-on with the Dictatorship of the mass culture and dominant ideology that had taken roots deep inside society like a cancer with multiple metastases.

Avoiding the traps of a lame populism which was incapable of calling a spade a spade because of the need to appeal on society and on ears already hostile and prejudiced towards us, we made all together the decision to proceed with a critical outline of society, of the dynamics that have unfolded and the social parts that have been swirling on the inside.

This critical position had no intention to propose a general and blind holocaust but a skeptical and disputable approach regarding various social behaviors that after all have been described by prominent communist personalities, famous existentialist philosophers, anarchist individualists and nihilists of other times, neo-Marxists of different schools, situationist theorists as well as a large number of politically minded writers and poets of the social ethography trend.

I may have regretted a lot of things in my life but the choice to serve a strategy is not and will never be one of those things.

Now, as far as my presence in the notorious house at Chalandri is concerned, the one thing I can say for sure is that it does not fall within the rest of the broader, friendly and family relations that other people happened to have, resulting in them being charged with entirely arbitrary accusations.

In that respect, I can do no other than take full responsibility concerning the presence of the explosive device inside that house, since it was something completely known to me.

I am really sorry that such an operational mistake of an explosive device being kept even for a few hours in a house completely legal where dozens of irrelevant people come and go, in which I obviously was involved personally, caused the set up of an entire industry of prosecutions of people that had nothing to do with the CCF.  However, the moral burden of this construction of dozens of indictments will lie forever on the anti-terrorist unit and also on the political authority and the constitutions of justice that made sure that the Machiavellianism and the collateral prosecutions rationality that we witnessed all those years since 2008 were covered up.

Now you, as part of this abscess, from which side will you judge my own attitude to life? In what way can the fact that I chose to arm my desires and adopt the insurrectional violence against all forms of tyranny be morally judged by personalities like you, acting in the name of the world of authority?  However, the use of brutal force provided by your position is not enough for you, you are not settled with adjusting the time of my stay in the cells of your democracy but you want to wash out morally and politically the gravestone that you try to put on my freedom, you want all this to happen in the name of some supposed higher values and moral advantages. But there are none, not even as a sample. It would be sufficient for any person that hasn’t sold out entirely their dignity to watch this procedure in order to detest immediately you and your supposed higher ideals. It would be sufficient for such a person to embrace the idea of burning to the core or even blowing a courtroom apart, even though it was something inconceivable before, only by watching this procedure, that visibly washes out and covers up shocking contradictions of the chosen prosecution authorities.

This conflict in not only between us and this courtroom, as it can’t be isolated from the overall human history. In this conflict the reconstruction of the ancient conflict between Power and Insurrection, between Discipline and Disobedience is inherent. It is true that I have chosen the way of violence and that I committed violent acts. I have clothed my disobedience and my insurrection in fire and gunpowder and I have directed it to everything that Power symbolizes and serves.

When they say “violence is the same no matter where it comes from” I spit disgusted.

Because the arrogance of Power that seeks the monopolization of violence is hidden in that phrase.

Because how can someone compare the violence of insurrection, no matter how cruel and merciless it may be, to the violence of authority? How can those two be put under common denominator, how do they dare to equate those two forms of violence? How can the violence of the insurgent slaves of Rome be equal with the violence of the Roman Empire? How can the violence of the insurgent slave against the lash of the slave trader be the equal? How can the violence of the tyrannicide be compared to the violence of the tyrant? How can all the courts of the world, burnt down, be compared to human freedom rotting, buried somewhere in a concrete grave?

Therefore you have no moral advantage, no higher value on which you can wash your hands of the decapitations of freedom that you are signing for. I, on the other hand, have the moral vindication that rose against authority on my side. And this is quite enough. And it is rather beautiful in itself, so that I don’t regret the consequences of such a choice. And yes it is true that the consequences are severe. The deprivation of freedom, the disablement of the senses, the loss of all those you took for granted and that you appreciate only when they disappear are a burden, which weighs more and more while time in jail passes. So much that with each step you feel like killing a day of your life…

Still, the beauty of choosing to fight back against authority weighs more. And that’s the reason why I don’t regret this choice, for I was never willing to bargain over it.

I never ever calculated my values in accordance with realism or the attainable. The value of anarchy, the value of total freedom is one of the most beautiful things to fight for.

And every time I asked myself if I would make the same choice against all odds, the answer would always be “Yes”. I would make the same choice, even if it would be like a punch in the knife from the very beginning. I would make it, even if I was the only living person in the world that believed in it, even if everything seemed to be in vain and aimless, even if I knew that it would all be buried in the dark and that no one would ever find out that such a desperate fight existed, even then I would make the same choice. Because, quite simply, the value of insurrection cannot be negotiated.

Panagiotis Argyrou, member of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI/IRF

Translated by Nihil Admirari

Athens: Banner for “Scripta Manent” case.

As a minimal sign of complicity and solidarity, we displayed a banner at the Polytechnic on Patision the night of June 19th.

Comrades in Italy, and specifically the 7 comrades of Croce Nera Anarchica, Radioazione and Anarhija.info, with the new operation which started at 2/6/17, are accused of articles 270bis (subversive association with purposes of terrorism) in conjunction with the anarchist comrades under investigation in the first part of the OP. Scripta Manent for the same things, and 414 of penal code (criminal solicitation, always with purposes of terrorism). This is the continuation of the first operation “Scripta Manent” where bastard Roberto Maria Sparagna organized, in order to suppress the comrades who spread the words and keep the flame of rebellion alive.

Be strong!

We stand on their side and give them the boost, with all means , to continue.

For a dangerous June!

Traces of Fire

**The banner**

With FAI-IRF we are together

direct execution to every reformer

Power  to the persecuted

of operation Scripta Manent

 

Thessaloniki, Greece: “Not in memory, in continuation” Banners for Punky Mauri & Italian anarchists

(Received 25/5/17)

During the day of 22nd May we hung two banners for anarchist comrade Mauricio Morales Duarte ‘Punky Mauri’ & those anarchists arrested during Operation ‘Scripta Manent’ in Italy. One was hung in the Rotunda area and the other under the arch in Kamara, both in the centre of the city.

Eight years ago on this day Mauri took the attack to the state by attempting to place a homemade bomb at the school of Gendarmeria in Santiago, Chile. Instead of gnashing in the face of authority, the explosive went off prematurely.

Operation ‘Scripta Manent’ is another repressive operation amongst many that have already occurred against comrades who dare to oppose the Italian state. Under the context of trying to find those who took part in Informal Anarchist Federation attacks since 2005, but also an attempt to destroy the insurrectional conflict in Italy and cut off any solidarity network to those already in prison, such as Alfredo Cospito and Nicola Gai.

Just because our comrades fall or are imprisoned does not mean they are not with us, neither will we be paralysed with passivity and ‘philanthropic solidarity’, the conflict against all authority continues.

– Some Individualist Rebels

The banners read:

“Arm yourselves and be violent, beautifully violent”

Not in memory, in continuation, for our combatant comrade Punky Mauri.

DO NOT FORGET THE OFFENSIVE!

And:

INSURRECTION IS NOT A UTOPIAN FINALE,
IT’S THE CONTINUOUS ATTACK OF THE INDIVIDUAL AGAINST ALL AUTHORITY.

STRENGTH TO ANARCHISTS WHO WERE ARRESTED IN ITALY IN OPERATION SCRIPTA MANENT.

Athens, Greece: Explosive attack against New Democracy politician Adonis Georgiades’s bookstore by CCF-FAI/IRF

Responsibility claim for the attack on Adonis Georgiades‘s bookstore.

On 3/15 we placed and detonated a clockwork explosive device at Adonis Georgiades’s bookstore at 263 Kifissias Av.

Adonis Georgiadis is a well known to all… picturesque, saturated and at the same time, a ridiculous political figure, who over the years moves within the (far)-right milieu according to his interests. Now an MP of New Democracy (the main right wing party) he does not miss any opportunity to propagate the neoliberal ideas whether in the parliament or in some television broadcast, being addicted to television as a TV persona. When not selling his nationalist noonsense (such as the books of Kostas Plevris – national-socialist figure) he makes “gifts” of 65 million euros to pharmaceutical companies who trade in human life. Specifically, Georgiades, as health minister in 2014, changed the pricing of drugs in favor of the pharmaceutical industries particularly favoring the Novartis company. Combined with the fact that his wife’s name featured in the Lagarde list, it’s proven that the TV booksalesman does not limit himself to book sales.

His rhetoric is always in convergence with the ideas of the party he belongs to each time, and often revolves around the issue of the repression of anarchists. He encourages and opens the way for intensification of repressive measures in all fields, from the diffuse street combative insurrectionary riots until further militarization of treating our imprisoned comrades (bringing back the high security prison cells – C Type, depriving prisoners of their permits etc.) This garbage knows -just like we do- that the anarchists of the deed are his enemies. He knows, as he said, that he fears those who are furiously fighting for freedom and dignity, those who destroy, with fire as an ally, all that he represents. He knows that the anarchists of the deed did not make a truce with their consciousness, concluding peace with the supposedly left government of SYRIZA as initially did a part of the anti-authoritarian milieu. Instead, we carried on on the path of continuous anarchist revolution demanding nothing less than everything. That’s why he’s afraid.

Such a populist could not be absent from the political agenda of New Democracy. His national-patriotic narrative finds its ground in a section of society offering him social acceptance, while maintaining the social consensus needed for him to continue advertising his nonsense. This specific TV booksalesman has chosen a clear position in the social war and makes his presence visible, since… being a cork helps him to float on the surface. N.D “invests” in its anti-anarchist campaign using A.Georgiades, M.Vorides, N.Dendias and the hidden reserve Ch.Athanasiou, as a vanguard. The names of these “crusaders” of anti-revolution are on the list of the new urban guerrilla.

To paraphrase the anti-anarchistic hysteria of ND, we agree that the distance between a sledgehammer and a Kalashnikov WHEN ACCOMPANIED BY REVOLUTIONARY CONSCIOUSNESS, is as long as the distance from insurrection to continuous revolution. This is the bet for every anarchist guerrilla group: the passage from insurrectionary anarchist violence to organized armed struggle against the tyrants of our life. A passage which sharpens the hazards of anarchist attacks, multiplying their aggressiveness and fierceness.

Recent anarchist attacks and acts of FAI and CCF are part of the underground prolonged battle against the world of power… And if the silence of the mass majority reminds one of a social cemetery, we know that the road to anarchy opens up by continuing and not by ending the hostilities against power. Because when we say anarchy it is not just a word, it is a way of life. We organise, we plan and we attack, filling the hours of the day with a perpetual dangerous anarchist activity not ever calming down. Thus, dead time becomes an ally in our rebel conspiracies. Because we‘re going to live life by daring and not by bowing to our oppressors.

Each attack is a promise to ourselves that “everything continues” and a signal to all imprisoned comrades that “nothing is over”. On March 24 three comrades in Chile are going on trial: Nataly Casanova, Juan Flores and Enrique Guzman, accused for the CCF Chile and other groups’ attacks. Our thought and our hearts are close to them knowing that we belong to the same generation, away from borders, nations and religions, with the unfulfilled feeling of freedom and rebellion that never ends as our only homeland…

PS: We will come back soon … MPOUMPOUKO we‘ll see you again …..

Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI / IRF

(via Mpalothia)

Greece: Responsibility claim for 6 coordinated incendiary attacks by CCF – Incendiary Destabilization Outbreaks / FAI-IRF

WE ARE THE ONES WHO WILL BRING THE CURTAIN DOWN

We claim responsibility for the 6 following arson attacks.

– A bank at Petralona a few streetss next to the consumer neighborhood of Gazi.
– The security agency FALCON at the main and busy Kifisias Avenue, which is being advertised by the journalistic trash of the television.
– A post office Savings Bank at the seemingly police state Aleksandra’s Avenue.
– 3 diplomatic corps vehicles

Cities are history‘s theatre. They are the places where life performs disciplined social roles, played by law abiding citizens or happy slaves in the reflection of digital communication displays’ and storefronts of consumption, while walking predetermined paths from wage-slavery to paid entertainment. Each move we make is controlled by the vigilant eyes of thousands of cameras on the streets, roadblocks by uniformed police and cops’ motor patrols.

In the current conditions of economic crisis, the only currency with a constant value is the currency of fear in the hands of authority. The fear that nothing can change, that we are few and that prison is lurking for those who dare to question authority’s orders. However life is running fast and cannot wait for those who are afraid to live. LOOK FEAR IN THE FACE AND FEAR WILL FLINCH AND LEAVE.

We must turn the cities into battlefields and the nights into our allies in urban guerilla surprise attacks. We must lay mines of fire in all the symbols of this world that keeps us imprisoned. We know that burning a bank or setting an official state car on fire is not sufficient; however the real power of illegal anarchist actions is that they are like spare keys. Spare keys that release people’s strength of rebellion, the strength to strike authority and live dangerously free. This is why we create small militant groups ready for action, here and now. We can’t wait for the soulless crowd; we can’t seek after proletarians that are asking only for a better salary. We are not shepherds for the masses of people to follow, nor are we gravediggers for those who have buried their lives into silence.

Through self-organization and informal coordination, we create a legacy of deeds in this fight against this authority of entrapment, breaking the pace of the legal order. These difficult times cannot break our beliefs in any way; on the contrary they become more acute, they reignite. We blend our hatred with conscience and dignity and when this mixture binds, it will poison and destroy the body of every prosecutor, every journalist, every cop, every security guard, every snitch, all kinds of henchmen and peaceful citizens and in general all the garbage that forms this sterilized society of security. The settled will never abandon their commodities and choose the road to rebellion; of that we are well aware. Fear of social rejection leads to inaction and conservative anarchist practices which are confined within the “internal” movement. Our means are purely illegal and we are not willing to make them more “social” and therefore acceptable, as much as the left or right wing stewards of power and the sympathizers-supporters of the movement are trying to convince us.

We became what we dreamt since we were children, ANARCHISTS OF THE DEED that don’t sleep at night and all we care for is to set your nights on fire and ruin your party by destabilizing on a regular basis the metropolitan normality. We are the ones that dare to risk where punishment and incarceration is lurking, deconstructing fear in all its aspects. Because in the end anarchy is in our hearts, in our minds, in every drop of blood that runs through our veins, in our illegal actions far away from your bourgeois morals and cleanness. Maybe you can sometimes imprison our bodies but you can never imprison our anarchist beliefs that will always find fertile ground against every form of authority. Besides, our continuous attacks are the most undisputed evidence.

We live in time of war and we know that well. Real solidarity to our imprisoned comrades is one of the most powerful weapons in this social war that is unfortunately being deprived of its meaning. We must make it clear that the anarchist action and assault can only be realized through solidarity. Our solidarity is not a result of mercy or philanthropic, leftist sentimentality. In the eyes of our comrades we can see ourselves, since we chose to be on the field of illegality and the urban guerilla anarchist action.

And if we have losses and imprisoned comrades in this battle, the anarchist cells are like Hydra. For every arrest, new comrades will throw themselves in the battlefield, for every arrest an incendiary device will shimmer right before the ignition. And this fire will last forever… creating anarchy inside anarchy.

Because as we said at the beginning, life is giving a sick performance while the director is setting the scene, lining up everyone to his own interest; with the actors playing their part literally and the passive audience that is either watching absorbed or whistling indifferently and watching silently when bored. However in this theatre, some of us didn’t accept the predetermined parts that have been given to us, we are the ones that will sabotage the show and give to your play our own ending. Don’t say that we are few; don’t say that we don’t matter, because in the end we will win. WE ARE THE ONES WHO WILL BRING THE CURTAIN DOWN!

WE DEDICATE THESE ATTACKS OF SOLIDARITY TO THE IMPRISONED MEMBERS OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE POLA ROUPA AND KONSTANTINA ATHANASOPOULOU AS A RESPONSE TO THE RECENT REPRESSIVE OPERATIONS

P.S. Snitches, journalists, prosecutors don’t ever think that we have forgotten you.

WE WILL RETURN SOON
LONG LIVE ANARCHY AND THE NEW URBAN GUERILLA

 Conspiracy of Cells of Fire/FAI-IRF
Incendiary Destabilization Outbreaks/FAI-IRF

(via 325)

Financial Campaign to aid political prisoners in greece

(Received 30/1/17)

The state through repressive mechanisms (cops, jail guards) and judicial power (prosecutors, judges) aimed at physical and psychological extermination of political prisoners.
Prisoners and comrades however, are in a daily struggle between “special” conditions of detention, vindictive transfers, visiting denials, intimidation and persecution of relatives and friendly contacts and relatives, isolations, deprivation of rights like exit permit from prison, intent proceedings and indictments for statements of regret, self-censorship and capitulation. The ideas however are not imprisoned and solidarity is not penalized by any terror law . We build bridges to continue our common struggle by whatever means available. We support the imprisoned comrades both politically and morally through the promotion of their speech and the practical questioning of state power. For a long period some detainees and prisoners do not receive absolutely no material help and they still fight agianst the state oppression .
For these reasons, we constitute an initiative of financial support for the prisoners comrades.

Aggeliki Spiropoyloy
Nikos Maziotis

Conspiracy Cells of Fire-FAI/IRF

Theophilos Mayropoylos
Damianos Mpolano
Xaris Xatzimichelakis
Mixalis Nikopoylos
Giorgos Nikopoylos
Panagiotis Argyroy

Conspiracy Cells of Fire/FAI-Urban Guerrilla Cell

Giorgos Polidoros
Olga Oikonomidoy
Gerasimos Tsakalos
Xristos Tsakalos

There is an account for sending money and a paypal acount too.
For further information, contact the station’s email.

SOLIDARITY IS OUR WEAPON. FIRE TO ALL CELLS AND CAGES. ANARCHIST / antiauthoritarian WEB-RADIO RADIOFRAGMATA
radiofragmata@espiv.net

Νew years eve outside of Korydallos prisons (31/12/16)

As every year, like this one we celebrated the new year outside Korydallos prison next to our imprisoned comrades.

The difference with the previous years is that we managed to stand very close to the women’s prison and to make a small demostration around the male prisons shouting slogans without the uniformed bastards to keep us at a distance from the walls of the prison.

We stand by our captive comrades.

Until all kinds of prisons collapse!

Dynamite and fire to all cells!

Traces of Fire

Athens: Attack agains OPKE unit in Exacheia

On Tuesday , December 6 of 2016 , 8 years after the murder of the antiauthoritarian Alexandros Grigoropoulos by the cops, anarchists , antiauthoritarians , neighbors and people who hang around Exarcheia decided to break the normality of the miserable life imposed by the social standards and resist the state repression. Every year, that day the neighborhood of Exarcheia is surrounded by cops trying to stop the vengeful rage of those who take the streets fighting.

But this time, the resistance of the rioters was more organized and coordinated than ever, following the response against the state in the clashes of November 15 and 17. The anti-state offensive was fierce, and that was proved because – despite the murderous firing of rubber bullets and tear gas directly into the bodies – The uniformed fascists only managed to pass the burning barricades late at night, and after most of the people , especially the organized ones had already left the place.

This victory of ours hurt the servants of the state, who projected all their psycological complexes beating the arrested people of that night. Their cowardly violence and the attempt of the greek bullies to humilliate the arrested comrades is the proof of their bitter defeat.
Also the filthy judges plays their part on the repression of the insurgents when acting in the name of all the state authorities send three of the arrested on pre-trial imprisonement.
The surrounding of Exarcheia was already intensified before 6 December, with the characteristic example of the invasion of motorcicle police forces and the control of migrants. It was like that until the 6/12, particularly with the presence of special forces of OPKE in the area.

We answer the murderes of minors with the same thing that they learn to taste all this years: fire.
In the evening of Friday , December 16, we choose to attack the bullies of the greek police located at the intersection of Kallidromiou street and Oikonomou street, supposedly to protect the supermarket besides. For those who knows the area of Exarcheia, is obvious that the deployment of OPKE units in that place serves other purposes and is framed in a broader plan that seeks to control the neigborhood.

The tasks of this unit (OPKE) in the past years at the city outskirts and specially in the west zone of Athens had as only objective the military-style ID control to youngsters , outcast and migrants. The ridiculous reasons that they use to impose their reign of terror in Exarcheia will be answered with gasoline and fire over their heads. The armed cops of OPKE showed their huge skills when they began to run away in panic and hide behind a car in sight of the 15 molotovs flying against them.

The clashes and the diffusion of insurrectionary situations must be a daily practice. That December 6 light up the metropolis every night, until freedom and anarchy.

FIRE AND EXPLOSIONS AT THE MINDS OF THE COPS
FREEDOM TO THE 3 ARRESTED OF 6/12 WHO ARE ON PRE-TRIAL IMPRISONEMENT.

Anarchists ( the ones who attacked there, in that way)

(Translated by Traces of Fire)

Protest turns into a fierce riot 8 years after the murder of Alexis Grigoropoulos by the police

Athens, Greece: About the conflicts of the 17th November at the Polytechnic

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We take responsibility for the participation in the conflicts of November 17th, 2016 in Athens at the Polytechnic. We are delighted for their scope, and for the 6 cops in the hospital. We are pleased that we were actively part of an anarchist insurrectionary act which showed a sufficient force for the measures and the possibilities it offers.
We were not part of the conflict in order to “celebrate the anniversary” of November 17. We were not part of the conflict to do social constituencies. We were not part of the conflict to “revive the glory” of the Polytechnic uprising. We were not part of the conflict in the hope of provoking some serious property damage. And neither were we part of the conflict to show that the so-called anarchist space has a compact dynamic and combative presence, creating the illusion of a mass “that breaks” and “sows chaos” in pre-arranged meetings with considerable operational force .

AGAINST IDLENESS
We were part of the conflict to create moments of attack and familiarity with the immediate anarchic violence, to test our reflexes to coexist with individualities we value theoretically and practically, and finally get away from experiential inaction and inertia. We were part of an insurrectionary moment, with some elementary (in terms of material costs towards the authoritative carriers) effectiveness.

AGAINST DEMOCRACY AND ITS FIESTAS
We were part of the conflict as a sacrilegious farce toward pilgrimages, the anniversary walks, the coffeehouse revival of past “Good times”, the democratic, conciliatory spirit of “struggling people” , the sanctification and symbolization of struggles -with the aim to justify obedience to our penchant for quietness and security- elevating them into something unattainable that only in the future will happen again, and of course by others. We stood across from the cops of democracy by fighting democracy itself and any authoritarian regime, and diffusing the proposal of direct action in the present.

AGAINST THE DEVALUATION OF FORMS OF WAR
We were part of the conflict, disassociated from the plebs that embraces the logic that “the mess is useless, standard, graphic and harmful to the movement.”
Firstly, indifferent is the movement and its fictitious unity to us, as we recognize the theoretical and practical gaps, and not seek consistency. Each one their own way.
Secondly, clearly the conflicts at the Polytechnic don’t constitute something original. But all that is a familiar field with the direct physical conflict with the army of the present authority, and a situation even in the least aggressive, we certainly rejoice, as we would be pleased to see banners, painting, symbolic actions, and generally any anarchist act of diffusion of our perceptions.
And thirdly, for many people the clash with cops, even with relatively safer conditions, is an acquaintance scope with others, operational coexistence and possibility of passing to direct action, something which we fully choose. Clearly we have no illusion of comradeship and common theoretical base with the people participating, being scrappy and its anthropography includes in many cases figures that are our enemies, for instance a bunch of males who honor their trousers (1), self-appointed “experts” of violence, etc. So we communicate our point of view expressing our individualities alone.

AGAINST THE COOPERATION OF THE POLYTECHNIC PROFESSORS WITH THE NAVY
We were part of the conflict to remind the professors of NTUA Dimitris Manolakos and Emmanuel Koukios that there are people who do not forget the cooperation signed on August 24, 2016 with the navy. We do not forget the promotion of research and development of surveillance and enforcement practices (thermal cameras at the border fence in Evros, immigrants underwater detection systems, drones, etc.), from NTUA and the army enthusiasts professors. We do not forget the use of the NTUA to safeguard the doctrine of “law and order” in Greece. Narks keep you eyes open.

LET’S SURGE EVERYWHERE, LET’S BECOME UPGRADED
We choose the direct action for the physical destruction against carriers of all kinds of authority. We seek to disseminate anarchist war, and for this we aim at decentralization, specifically at its “dis-exarcheia-ization”(2). To become unpredictable, to exploit the absence or reduced presence of cops on every corner of the city to attack, to cause material blow to the enemy. The rigged appointments and foreseeable actions are ok, but we prefer to move unnoticed, to upgrade our means constantly, to study the state and its mechanisms and to strike at more sensitive spots, without underestimating the value of head-on collision.
As for the cops, the “indignant” citizens, the journalistic trash that were taking photos and videos to sell to the regime media of domestication, the neighbors that their sleep was disturbed, the narks and every motherfucker that has touched a companion of ours or whatever individuality was present on the battlefield, let them be sure they do not slow the day they will receive the violence they deserve. They and their properties, their fuckin’ stores and state dungeons, in which time swings as gallows, definitely are not safe.
We have nothing to do with the world of authority, our logics are absolutely parallel, and no reconcilement can be made. Let’s organize our war. To smash the state “monopoly of violence”. To fill the gaps in the state apparatus with gasoline, bullets and gunpowder.
We welcome the comrades who kept squatted the Gini building in Athens, we welcome the brothers/sisters with whom we shared those moments, and with whom we will share even more intense. We welcome any insurrected person and every act of diffusion of our anarchist perception.

Strength to the 5 arrestees of November 15th and to the 13 of November 17th in Athens, and to all the comrades who were arrested in Greece.

Flaming signals of solidarity to the comrades in Italy prosecuted for participation in FAI/ FRI.

FORWARD FOR FIELDS OF CONFLICT AND MOMENTS OF WAR THAT WILL NUMB ANY KIND OF RULERS WITH THE POISON OF THE HERE AND NOW ANARCHIST INSURRECTION

Some insurrected minorities

(1) The comrades mean some numbskulls, part of the plebs who show unrestrained ”masculinity” as part of an ethos of the dominant social ideology in the specific geographic areas.

(2) Exarcheia is the geographic area of ”anti-authoritarianism”.

(via Antisocial Evolution)